Number one blog for finding anything that has to do with the law. Read up on the law and know your rights. Labor Laws, Wage Laws, Contract Laws, and anything else that has to deal with justice and rights.
Tuesday, September 10, 2013
DealBook: A New Divestment Focus on Campus: Fossil Fuels
Thursday, August 8, 2013
New Tools Pinpoint Natural Gas Leaks, Maximizing a Fuel’s Green Qualities
Tuesday, March 19, 2013
Win for Elderly Client Fuels Attorney's Pro Bono Commitment
Image: Photographer's Choice RF
During my first few years as a big firm associate, my approach to pro bono work was much like my approach to dental floss -- a general feeling of obligation coupled with a sense that I should be doing it more often.
That was until recently, when a colleague suggested I volunteer with the Atlanta Volunteer Lawyers Foundation's Saturday Lawyer Program. In the program, attorneys volunteer a Saturday morning to screen pro bono clients and determine how best to handle their cases. If longer-term legal representation is necessary, volunteers may take on the cases themselves.
My first case involved an elderly client (let's call her Ms. Jones) with significant mental and physical health issues whose stepson had taken advantage of her by coaxing her into co-signing an auto loan for him. He came to her house, begging her to "go down and sign some papers for him," and eventually she relented even though she lacked the capacity to understand what she was signing. Of course, the truck he bought was bigger than she could ever use, and the payments bigger than she could ever afford.
Predictably, the stepson defaulted on his payments, and soon the bank was pursuing Ms. Jones for the full balance of the loan -- three times her annual income. Ms. Jones' only significant asset, the one that had made her an attractive co-signer, was her house. When the bank filed a collection action against her, the prospect of losing the house in a forced sale became a real possibility.
Clearly Ms. Jones needed an attorney to defend the lawsuit, and now that she understood the situation, it was also important to her to see that the debt was resolved fairly. With limited resources, she needed a creative solution to do that.
My first move after taking her case was to sue the stepson (now estranged). He had gotten her into this situation, after all, and he would have to help her out. This new lawsuit had the positive effect of sparking a conversation among Ms. Jones' adult children about working out a plan to pay the debt.
In the meantime, we made it clear to the bank that the contract was unconscionable, procured under duress, and lacked a meeting of the minds. Reluctant to engage in protracted litigation on these issues, the bank began to negotiate a settlement with us.
Ultimately, we found a solution that allowed Ms. Jones to keep her house, which she was more than happy to accept. All she needed was an advocate who was willing to sit down with her, get to know her case, and help her out of a bad situation.
Since Ms. Jones' case I've taken three other AVLF cases, and I plan to take more. If you find yourself with that vague feeling of unfulfilled obligation -- the "flossing feeling" -- I would highly recommend giving a little of your professional time to AVLF and a neighbor in need.
Matthew T. Parrish is a commercial litigation associate at Dow Lohnes.
Wednesday, October 17, 2012
DealBook: Fed Governor's Plan to Limit Bank Size Fuels Debate
Michael Reynolds/European Pressphoto AgencyDaniel Tarullo of the Federal Reserve has suggested a simple tool that could be applied to individual institutions.Since the financial crisis, academics, politicians and even former bank chieftains have called for the nation’s banking behemoths to be broken up or shrunk — calls that appear to have fallen largely on deaf ears among Washington’s policy makers.
Now, a powerful insider has suggested a simple tool that could place a tight limit on the size of individual banks. Daniel K. Tarullo, a Federal Reserve governor who oversees bank regulation, said in a speech last week that an important part of a bank’s balance sheet could be capped at a set percentage of the nation’s gross domestic product.
That a regulator at the Fed — the most powerful of the banking industry’s overseers — would say that such a structural overhaul of the financial system might be considered, was a sign that the policy debate over what to do about “too big to fail” might be shifting.
Mr. Tarullo’s “statements mark a significant — perhaps even dramatic — shift in thinking at the central bank,” Simon Johnson wrote in a recent column for Bloomberg News. Mr. Johnson, a professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, has been a leading voice in the movement to limit the size of large banks.
It’s not just that the Fed governor’s words provided comfort to supporters of breaking up the banks. They also come at a moment in the debate over the Dodd-Frank Act, when both Republicans and Democrats might be able find common ground.
Mitt Romney and other Republicans have criticized Dodd-Frank, contending that it is overly complex and protects “too big to fail” institutions. Some Republicans looking to repeal Dodd-Frank say they still want to constrain large banks. Their concern is that the law may lead the market to believe that the government protects large banks. In turn, investors might then provide cheap loans to the biggest banks, fueling even more growth in the banks’ balance sheets. As a result, some Republicans may warm to the simple cap on bank size outlined in Mr. Tarullo’s speech.
“I am completely open to the proposal because of my similar concern about the growing size of institutions that are too big to fail,” said Senator David Vitter, a Republican of Louisiana. “Beyond this specific proposal, there is a growing nonpartisan consensus to do a lot more to limit the size of the megabanks.”
Any shift at the Federal Reserve would be notable. The central bank, mindful of the stability of the financial system, has avoided giving strong backing to measures that could have a direct impact on bank size.
Mr. Tarullo did not give an unequivocal, personal backing to a cap on size of banks. But he said that if size were to become a big issue, Congress should take it up, so the effects of a cap could be debated. Mr. Tarullo then detailed a type of cap that he said seemed to have “the most promise.”
His proposed limit would focus on something called “nondeposit liabilities.” These are the borrowings that banks do to finance themselves, excluding deposits.
For example, at the end of June, JPMorgan Chase had $1.24 trillion of nondeposit liabilities, a figure that excludes deposits in the United States, but includes international deposits.
That $1.24 trillion is equivalent to 8 percent of G.D.P. Any legislation would have to decide whether to set a percentage that would immediately force a bank like JPMorgan to shrink. If it were set at 5 percent, JPMorgan would have to shed the excess borrowings, which in turn would lead it to cut its overall size.
Senator Sherrod Brown, Democrat of Ohio, introduced legislation earlier this year that proposed the cap be set at 2 percent of G.D.P., which would force several of the largest banks, including Citigroup, Bank of America and Goldman Sachs, to shrink aggressively. (That bill has not advanced.)
Alternatively, the cap could be set at a percentage of G.D.P. that allows banks to stay at close to their current size. In that case, it would just constrain future growth.
Dodd-Frank has a provision that sets out to limit the relative size of banks. It stipulates that banks cannot have liabilities that exceed 10 percent of the total financial system’s liabilities. But this may not cap bank growth if the whole system is ballooning, as happened in the last decade. From 1999 to 2007, the Goldman Sachs balance sheet grew by 346 percent. But it would have increased by only 48 percent if its growth had been strictly tied to G.D.P. growth in that period.
The cap has its critics.
One drawback is that it might deter banks from issuing longer-term debt, which can act as a stable source of financing in a crisis. Hal S. Scott, a professor in Harvard Law School, said it would be preferable to limit short-term borrowings by banks, since that is more vulnerable to bank runs.
Others say that the economy needs both large and small banks and growth could be harmed by efforts to dictate bank size.
“The costs to society would outweigh the benefits,” said Phillip L. Swagel, a professor at the School of Public Policy at the University of Maryland. “But I realize that the idea of setting limits on large banks is gaining popularity across the political spectrum.”
Others fear that an inordinate focus on one tool to deal with financial stability could backfire. They think that the multifaceted approach of Dodd-Frank is better at catching and moderating the risks in the banking system.
“I think it’s a mistake to think there’s some sort of silver bullet here,” said Michael S. Barr, professor at the University of Michigan Law School. Mr. Barr worked on Dodd-Frank as an assistant secretary at the Treasury Department. He also says he thinks that going back right now and undoing parts of Dodd-Frank would most likely only dilute the overhaul.
“If Congress took up reform, it would only be in the direction of weakening it, not strengthening it,” he said.