Spanish Budget Avoids Austerity Measures

MADRID — Confident that Spain is emerging from a prolonged recession, the government on Friday presented a budget for 2014 that was largely free of the unpopular austerity measures of recent years.

The budget is based on a forecast that the Spanish economy will grow 0.7 percent next year, up from the government’s previous forecast of 0.5 percent. Gross domestic product is expected to contract 1.3 percent this year.

Calling it a “budget of economic recovery,” Cristóbal Montoro, the budget minister, forecast that the proposal would “open the door to job creation in our country” since it lacked the tax increases and heavy spending cuts of recent years.

The government also forecast that the unemployment rate would fall to 25.9 percent in 2014, down from the record 27 percent that it reached in the first quarter of this year.

As part of its belt-tightening, the government has extended a salary freeze for civil servants for a fourth consecutive year. And on Friday, it approved changes to the pension system intended to save about 800 million euros ($1.08 billion) next year.

Having requested a bailout for its suffering banks in June of last year, the Spanish government has been under pressure to stick to its budgetary commitments, even as it faced frequent street protests against a series of spending cuts and tax increases.

Given the depth of Spain’s recession, the European Commission agreed last May to give Madrid more time to reach its budgetary targets. The Spanish deficit is expected to fall to 6.5 percent of gross domestic product this year. That would be down from a revised deficit of 6.8 percent of G.D.P. last year, which was 0.2 percentage points less than what Madrid had initially estimated. For 2014, the target is for a deficit of 5.8 percent of G.D.P.

One of the most significant turnarounds for Spain has been the recent fall in its borrowing costs as investors shifted the spotlight to Italy’s political fragility and the perceived risk that Italy poses for the euro zone. The interest rate premium demanded by investors for buying Spanish government bonds rather than Germany’s benchmark bonds fell this month below that of Italy for the first time since March of last year.

Thanks to that improvement, Mr. Montoro said, the cost of financing the country’s debt should fall 5.2 percent next year, to 36.6 billion euros.

While Spain is emerging from a two-year recession, Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy and his ministers have recently cautioned that the country still faced a significant economic challenge, with continued weakness in consumer spending and a reluctance by banks to provide credit.

The 2014 budget and the proposed changes to the way pension payments are calculated will now need to go to Parliament for a vote, but that is expected to be a formality as Mr. Rajoy’s Popular Party holds an absolute majority.

Greek Prime Minister Says Positive Economic Data Points to Austerity Easing

“Greece is turning the page,” Mr. Samaras told politicians and entrepreneurs at an annual international trade fair in the northern port of Thessaloniki, traditionally used by Greek prime ministers to outline their government’s economic policy for the coming year. “There will be no more austerity measures,” he said.

Citing figures released on Friday by the national statistics agency, Mr. Samaras said the Greek economy shrank 3.8 percent in the second quarter, significantly less than an estimate of 4.6 percent. It was the smallest contraction since 2010, when Greece signed its first multibillion-euro loan deal with its so-called troika of creditors — the European Commission, European Central Bank and International Monetary Fund. The improvement is largely the result of an unexpectedly strong rebound in the country’s crucial tourism sector, with a record 18 million foreign visitors expected this year, he said.

Equally encouraging are early indications that the country will achieve this year a primary surplus — a budget surplus not counting debt financing, Mr. Samaras said. He said this would be the “first decisive step toward exiting the policy of memorandums,” referring to Greece’s two loan agreements since 2010, which are worth a total of 240 billion euros ($315 billion) and have been meted out in installments in exchange for a series of austerity measures.

Mr. Samaras said achieving the surplus would open the way for two things, in line with an agreement with creditors — some form of debt relief for Greece, but also the chance to help citizens who have been hardest hit by austerity. It remains unclear how large the surplus will be; Mr. Samaras put it at 1.1 billion euros for the first seven months of the year. Mr. Samaras said 70 percent of the surplus would go toward “lightening the injustices” suffered by Greeks on low pensions and by members of the police, fire service and coast guard whose salaries have been slashed as part of public sector cutbacks.

Greece remains wracked by political and economic instability and may even need additional bailout money. The I.M.F. warned in a report at the end of July that a persistent recession, now in its sixth year, and the government’s failure to accelerate overhauls might create an 11 billion-euro hole in Greece’s finances over the next two years.

The monetary fund said Greece’s economy could return to growth as early as next year. But that forecast comes with a question mark, given that output has fallen 25 percent since its peak in 2007, while unemployment has surged to 27 percent — the highest in the euro zone — and youth joblessness has exceeded 60 percent.

Mindful that representatives of the country’s troika of foreign lenders are expected back in Athens later this month for a new audit, Mr. Samaras was vague on details about potential handouts, including a potential subsidy for heating oil, which saw an increase in taxation last year. He also promoted the benefits of an economic reform program that was bolstered by a write-down of privately held Greek debt last year and the suspension of interest payments on foreign loans, which together helped cut Greece’s debt by 145 billion euros. It now stands at 321 billion euros.

“We stopped the debt from ballooning,” he said, claiming that Greece could return to precrisis levels of prosperity by 2020 by exploiting the potential of its tourism and energy industries and by pushing a program of state privatizations. “Five or six years of difficulties cannot wipe out 3,000 years of glorious history.”

The premier lashed out at the main leftist opposition, Syriza, which opposes the terms of Greece’s foreign loan agreements, saying it “does not want to govern.” He claimed that the leftists were as extreme as “the neo-Nazis” of the ultraright, anti-immigrant party Golden Dawn, which has soared to third place in opinion polls, after Syriza and the premier’s conservative New Democracy, which leads the coalition government.

In a statement, Syriza accused the prime minister of “suffering from delirium,” saying, “Mr. Samaras sees unemployment slowing down even as 1.5 million of our fellow citizens don’t have work.”

Alexis Tsipras, the leader of Syriza, joined anti-austerity protests in Thessaloniki on Saturday evening, which were expected to draw thousands of disenchanted workers. About 4,000 police officers were being deployed to prevent the violence that has marred previous rallies organized by trade unions.

Unionists are planning to scale up their opposition to austerity in the coming weeks ahead of the scheduled return to Athens of troika inspectors after German federal elections on Sept. 22. The problem of Greek debt, and how to handle it, has featured prominently in campaigns for the German elections, whose outcome is expected to set the tone for tough negotiations between the Greek government and the troika. Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany has insisted there will be no second debt haircut for Greece but has suggested a third loan program, much smaller than the first two, might be extended to Athens to cover the anticipated 11 billion euros funding gap.

The gap is expected to be discussed in talks between Greek government and troika officials in Athens. Negotiations will also focus on a raft of tough proposed reforms that are sure to test the stability of Mr. Samaras’s fragile coalition. They include a lagging program aimed at selling off state assets, lax tax collection efforts, the progress of a system of forced transfers and layoffs in the Civil Service, the possible closure of state-owned defense companies that are running losses and a likely end to a moratorium on home foreclosures.

Greeks Stage General Strike Against Austerity

The Greek protest came as workers in Asia, including Bangladeshis infuriated by the lethal collapse of a garment factory, demonstrated in cities including the capitals of Cambodia, Indonesia and the Philippines. In Istanbul, riot police officers sprayed throngs of people with water and tear gas as they gathered for a rally, defying an official ban.

Labor unions in Spain called for rallies in more than 80 cities, news reports said, while protests were also scheduled in Portugal. In France, the bitterly divided labor movement called for hundreds of demonstrations across the country, with rival union confederations holding separate marches.

But, initial reports said, most protests went off quietly, including those in Athens.

On the streets of Paris, the far-right National Front, led by Marine Le Pen, held its annual May 1 march through the city center, seeking to draw support from disaffected voters at a time when French growth has faltered, unemployment is at record levels and the Socialist government is caught between demands from the right for greater cuts in public spending and complaints from the left that it is not socialist enough.

Ms. Le Pen’s supporters waved French red, white and blue flags outside the Palais Garnier opera house in central Paris. She said the country was “sinking in an absurd policy of endless austerity.”

Inveighing against the influence of big business, the European Union in general and Germany in particular, she ascribed French woes to “always saying yes to Brussels; to Berlin, of course; and in all circumstances to the magnates of high finance.” The crowd seemed smaller than it was a year ago, when the country was seized with election fever. Since then, however, many Europeans have sensed a deepening malaise with no prospect of a rapid return to a sense of well-being.

Such are Europe’s woes that the newly elected Pope Francis urged business and political leaders on Wednesday to do more to create jobs.

“And here I think of the difficulties that, in various countries, today afflict the world of work and businesses,” he told tens of thousands of people gathered for his weekly general audience in St. Peter’s Square in Vatican City.

“I think of how many, and not just young people, are unemployed, many times due to a purely economic conception of society, which seeks selfish profit, beyond the parameters of social justice,” the pope said. “I wish to extend an invitation to solidarity to everyone, and I would like to encourage those in public office to make every effort to give new impetus to employment.”

The nationwide walkout in Greece was called by the country’s two main labor unions, which represent two and a half million workers and have led resistance to three years of economic overhauls that have cut salaries and pensions while increasing taxes.

With public anger giving way to resignation after a seemingly inexorable cycle of belt tightening in exchange for foreign rescue loans, the unions called for mass participation in the strike to protest “a catastrophic austerity drive” that has driven unemployment above 27 percent — the highest rate in the European Union — and to slightly less than 60 percent among those younger than 25.

The unions’ appeal failed to draw a large crowd, however, with about 10,000 Greeks taking to the streets of the capital, according to police estimates, for a demonstration that was both peaceful and one of the smallest in recent months. “There were no problems,” a police spokesman said as roads reopened to traffic and municipal garbage trucks swept discarded protest leaflets and coffee cups.

Although the strike brought much of Greek daily life to a halt on Wednesday, public transit services were running on a limited basis to allow Greeks to join rallies. In Athens, as in other major cities, police units were out in force to guard against violence that has marred demonstrations near the Parliament building in the past.

Ferries remained in ports and trains in depots, but flights operated normally because air traffic controllers did not join the strike.

The strike came just a few days after officials in the euro zone approved the release of 2.8 billion euros, or $3.7 billion, in rescue financing for Greece after Parliament ratified a new raft of economic reforms, including a politically contentious decision to lay off 15,000 civil servants by the end of next year.

The financing had been due in March but was delayed after talks between the government and officials of Greece’s troika of foreign lenders — the European Commission, the European Central Bank and the International Monetary Fund — broke down over the troika’s demands for the civil service cuts.

The country’s governing coalition, which has come under strain as it pushes its painful austerity agenda, must now enforce agreed-upon measures, laying off 2,000 civil servants by the end of June and pushing forward a stalled project to privatize state assets. It faces strong opposition by its main political rival, the leftist party Syriza, which wants Greece to renege on its loan agreement with the troika and is neck and neck in opinion polls with the conservative New Democracy, the head of the shaky three-party coalition.

The European Union and the International Monetary Fund have extended to Greece two foreign bailouts worth $317 billion over the past three years, meting out the aid in installments in exchange for austerity measures and overhauls.

Niki Kitsantonis reported from Athens, and Alan Cowell from Paris. Elisabetta Povoledo contributed reporting from Rome.

This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:

Correction: May 1, 2013

An earlier version of this article overstated the effect of the worker strike in Greece. Schools were already closed for the Greek Orthodox Easter break; they did not close because of the strike.

Economic Scene: Mexico’s 1980s Austerity Experience Holds Lesson for Europe

His approach to economics was unorthodox but creative. He tried to raise oil prices by sheer force of will — firing the director of the state oil company Pemex for having the temerity to reduce the price of Mexican crude as oil plummeted on international markets. He froze dollar accounts in local banks to try to stem capital flight.

But the canine defense didn’t work. In 1982, interest on the country’s foreign debt swallowed almost two-thirds of its export revenue. In February, the Mexican currency started plummeting. In August, Jesús Silva Herzog, Mexico’s finance minister, flew to Washington to tell Paul Volcker at the Federal Reserve and Donald Regan at the Treasury Department that Mexico could not make its coming payments to American and other foreign banks.

Tweak a few of the details and Mexico in the 1980s looks a lot like most Southern European countries today. In Mexico’s case, runaway government spending in the 1970s, fueled by high oil prices and greased by foreign debt, threatened to bankrupt the country after the Fed sharply raised interest rates to curb rampant inflation in the United States, increasing Mexico’s interest payments even as oil prices crashed to earth.

Similarly, money poured into Spain and Greece when investors persuaded themselves that the bonds of all members of the euro zone should be as safe as Germany’s, the region’s most creditworthy country. In Greece, this allowed a government spending binge. In Spain it ignited a housing bubble. Both countries were left with an unbearable burden when the world economy hit a wall, creditors took flight and the money stopped.

European decision-making during the crisis of the last few years also shares some of the erratic nature of Mexican policy under President López Portillo. Cyprus was somehow allowed to threaten the euro area’s banking system. European leaders then “solved” the problem by imposing capital controls that — like those tried by Mexico — are unlikely to work and will undoubtedly provide new headaches down the road.

But the most relevant parallel is one that European leaders refuse to see. If there is one overwhelming lesson from the debt crisis that struck Mexico and other Latin American countries so hard three decades ago, it is that countries that cannot grow will not pay. It is up to creditors, too, to allow them to grow. It took Mexico and its lenders seven years to figure that out. The European crisis is in its fifth year. You would think they might have learned something by now, but no.

Mexicans remember what happened after Mr. Silva Herzog’s flight to Washington as the “lost decade.” Miguel de la Madrid, who took over as president the following December, promised deep budget cuts in exchange for bridge loans and debt rescheduling. That didn’t work, so Mexico cut a new deal, getting new loans from commercial banks, the United States and the International Monetary Fund, in exchange for cutting government payrolls and subsidies, selling state-run companies and opening the country to foreign trade.

I started college a little before Mr. Silva Herzog’s trip. In the five-plus years it took me to get a degree (Mexican degrees take longer) the Mexican economy contracted about 2 percent. By the time I got my graduate degree two years later, gross domestic product per person was 8 percent less than it had been in 1982.

Yet despite the enforced austerity, Mexico’s foreign debt in 1988 still amounted to 56.5 percent of Mexico’s economic output, more than it had six years before.

This must sound familiar to Europe’s unemployed. If anything it’s far worse there. The Greek economy has shrunk more than a fifth over the last five years. Government debt amounts to about 170 percent of the economy; it was 100 percent when the crisis started. The economies of Ireland, Portugal, Spain and Italy are smaller, too, than they were five years ago. Their debt burden is heavier. And still, European leaders insist that more of the same must be the solution.

E-mail: eporter@nytimes.com;

Twitter: @portereduardo

Used to Hardship, Latvia Accepts Austerity, and Its Pain Eases

But instead of taking to the streets to protest the cuts, Mr. Krumins, whose newborn child, in the meantime, needed major surgery, bought a tractor and began hauling wood to heating plants that needed fuel. Then, as Latvia’s economy began to pull out of its nose-dive, he returned to architecture and today employs 15 people — five more than he had before. “We have a different mentality here,” he said.

Latvia, feted by fans of austerity as the country-that-can and an example for countries like Greece that can’t, has provided a rare boost to champions of the proposition that pain pays.

Hardship has long been common here — and still is. But in just four years, the country has gone from the European Union’s worst economic disaster zone to a model of what the International Monetary Fund hails as the healing properties of deep budget cuts. Latvia’s economy, after shriveling by more than 20 percent from its peak, grew by about 5 percent last year, making it the best performer in the 27-nation European Union. Its budget deficit is down sharply and exports are soaring.

“We are here to celebrate your achievements,” Christine Lagarde, the chief of the International Monetary Fund, told a conference in Riga, the capital, this past summer. The fund, which along with the European Union financed a bailout of 7.5 billion euros for the country at the end of 2008, is “proud to have been part of Latvia’s success story,” she said.

When Latvia’s economy first crumbled, it wrestled with many of the same problems faced since by other troubled European nations: a growing hole in government finances, a banking crisis, falling competitiveness and big debts — though most of these were private rather than public as in Greece.

Now its abrupt turn for the better has put a spotlight on a ticklish question for those who look to orthodox economics for a solution to Europe’s wider economic woes: Instead of obeying any universal laws of economic gravity, do different people respond differently to the same forces?

Latvian businessmen applaud the government’s approach but doubt it would work elsewhere.

“Economics is not a science. Most of it is in people’s heads,” said Normunds Bergs, chief executive of SAF Tehnika, a manufacturer that cut management salaries by 30 percent. “Science says that water starts to boil at 100 degrees Celsius; there is no such predictability in economics.”

In Greece and Spain, cuts in salaries, jobs and state services have pushed tempers beyond the boiling point, with angry citizens staging frequent protests and strikes. Britain, Portugal, Italy and also Latvia’s neighbor Lithuania, meanwhile, have bubbled with discontent over austerity.

But in Latvia, where the government laid off a third of its civil servants, slashed wages for the rest and sharply reduced support for hospitals, people mostly accepted the bitter medicine. Prime Minister Valdis Dombrovskis, who presided over the austerity, was re-elected, not thrown out of office, as many of his counterparts elsewhere have been.

The cuts calmed fears on financial markets that the country was about to go bankrupt, and this meant that the government and private companies could again get the loans they needed to stay afloat. At the same time, private businesses followed the government in slashing wages, which made the country’s labor force more competitive by reducing the prices of its goods. As exports grew, companies began to rehire workers.

Economic gains have still left 30.9 percent of Latvia’s population “severely materially deprived,” according to 2011 data released in December by Eurostat, the European Union’s statistics agency, second only to Bulgaria. Unemployment has fallen from more than 20 percent in early 2010, but was still 14.2 percent in the third quarter of 2012, according to Eurostat, and closer to 17 percent if “discouraged workers” are included. This is far below the more than 25 percent jobless rate in Greece and Spain but a serious problem nonetheless.

This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:

Correction: January 2, 2013

An earlier version of this article misstated the amount of a bailout given to Latvia in 2008. It was 7.5 billion euros, not $7.5 billion.